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PLAIN    FACTS, 


ADDRESSED 


TO 


THE  PEOPLE  OE  PENNSYLVANIA 


BY  A  CITIZEN  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


THIRD  EDITION,  ENLARGED. 

WITH    ADDITIONS. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

J.  CR1SSY,  PRINTER,  NO.  4  MINOR  STREET. 
1844. 


Distributed  Gratis: — application  for  Copies  to  be  made 
to  E.  C.  MAKKLEY,  No.  4  Minor  Street,  Philadelphia. 

Q3"3  Hand  this  to  your  neighbour  who  intends  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Polk,  and  ask  him  to  read  it. 


4oo 


IN  every  political  contest  the  natural  inquiries  are,  What  are  the 
principles  of  the  different  parties,  and  for  what  are  they  contending  ? 
The  friends  of  Mr.  Polk  assert  that  they  are  the  true 


of  the  Country — and  this  claim  constitutes  their  whole  strength:  we  ask 
every  friend  of  truth  to  examine  and  see  what  right  they  have  to  the 
name  of  Democracy.  There  are  many  who  will  refuse  to  examine, 
but  there  are  others  who  will,  and  to  them  I  address  myself.  It  is 
the  duty  of  every  friend  oT  his  Country  to  think,  reflect,  and  determine 
according  to  his  conscience.  A  Democrat  is  one,  who  has  confidence 
in  the  intelligence  of  the  people,  who  believes  that  they  are  able  to 
govern  themselves — that  the  people  are  generally  right,  sometimes 
wrong,  hut  always  ultimately  right:  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to 
adopt  such  measures  as  will  render  them  happy,  contented  and  comfort 
able.  The  Loco  Foco  party  have  been  in  power  under  Gen.  Jackson 
and  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  twelve  years.  What  measure  did  that  party 
ever  propose  to  assist  the  labouring  class,  or  the  people  at  large,  or 
to  relieve  their  distresses  during  the  trying  crisis  through  which,  during 
that  period,  we  passed  ?  None  ! 

In  1832  the  four  prominent  questions  of  public  policy  were, 

1.  The  Tariff. 

2.  The  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  Public  Lands  among  the 
different  States. 

3.  The  protection  of  the  National  Currency,  by  a  National  Bank. 

4.  The  system  of  Internal  Improvement,  to  preserve,  connect,  and 
strengthen  the  union  of  the  States. 

These  are  all  measures  calculated  to  encourage  trade  and  commerce, 
and  give  employment  to  the  poor.  These  were  at  that  time  the 
favourite  measures  of  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania.  Her  Legislature 
and  Governors,  from  time  to  time,  instructed  and  requested  her  Sena 
tors  and  Representatives  in  Congress  to  support  them — they  have  sup 
ported  them,  the  Press  has  added  its  strength,  and  the  people  have 
ratified  and  confirmed  them. 

On  all  these  questions,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Polk  have,  at  the  command 
of  Gen.  Jackson,  wheeled  to  the  right  -about-face,  like  a  platoon,  at  the 
command  of  its  officer,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  Tariff,  where,  in 
certain  parts  of  the  State  they  endeavour,  from  necessity,  to  make 
some  reservation,  they  are  now  pledged  to  oppose  them  with  as  much 
zeal  and  earnestness  as  they  were  before  pledged  to  support  them. 

i\lr.  Dallas  and  the  late  Mr.  Muhlenhurg  have  been  charged  with 
apostacy  on  these  subjects,  as  though  it  were  the  individual  sin  of  these 
gentlemen.  It  is  not  so — it  is  the  apostacy  of  the  PARTY  from  its  origi- 


nal  principles:  and  if  any  other  distinguished  Individuals  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  who,  at  that  time,  were  in  the  legislative  Councils,  had  been 
nominated,  they  would  have  been  obnoxious  to  the  same  charge. 

The  most  anti-Democratic,  or  Aristocratic  feature  in  the  Constitution 
of  our  Government  is  known  to  be  the  Executive  power,  and  therefore, 
in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Pennsylvania, 
and  other  States,  this  question  divided  parties  more  directly  than  any 
other.  The  Democratic  party  always  opposed  the  Executive  power 
as  Aristocratic  and  anti-Democratic,  yet  the  Loco  Foco  party  has  ex 
tended  this  power  to  its  utmost  stretch,  in  ; 

1.  Unlimited  removal  from  office  for  opinion's  sake. 

2.  The  frequent  exercise  of  the  Veto. 

3.  The  extension  of  the  Veto  by  the  President,  in  the  refusal  to  re 
turn  the  Land  Bill  to  Congress,  and  permit  two-thirds  of  both  Houses 
to  pass  it. 

4.  The  Establishment  of  the  Sub-Treasury. 

They  tried  first,  the  National  Bank ;  next,  the  State  Banks,  which 
failed,  because  they  selected  pet  Banks  from  favouritism,  and  not  from 
solvency  and  ability  to  serve  the  public,  and  then  the  Sub-Treasury. 

The  Sub-Treasury  placed  the  funds  permanently  in  the  hands  of  the 
officers  of  Government,  led  them  into  temptation,  and  corrupted  them,  as 
it  would  do  any  other  set  of  men  ;  hence  so  frequent  have  been  the  defal 
cations  and  flight  of  public  officers,  that  a  new  and  graphic  term  has 
been  invented,  and  become  legitimated  in  the  American  vocabulary, 
ABSQUATULATION. 

In  1829  we  were  a  happy,  prosperous  a^d  contented  people.  One 
experiment  after  another  upon  the  commerce,  trade  and  domestic  indus 
try  was  tried,  until  we  were  reduced  to  National  poverty,  bankruptcy 
and  disgrace.  And  what  was  the  remedy  proposed  by  Government? 
"Let  those*,  who  trade  on  borrowed  capital,  break"  These  words 
were  uttered  by  Gen.  Jackson  under  excitement,  but  they  are  the  plat 
form  of  the  administration  of  himself  and  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

During  all  this  time  the  Loco  Foco  party  have  been  as  radical  as 
they  were  anti-Democratic.  Instance, 

1.  The  rejection  in  Congress  of  the  Broad  Seal  of  the  State  of  New 
Jersey. 

2.  The  refusal  of  the  Lofo  Foco  States  to  obey  the  Act  of  Congress 
dividing  the  States  into  Congressional  Districts. 

3.  Dorr's  rebellion  in  Rhode  Island,  and  the  support  they  give  him 
in  other  States. 

4.  Repudiation  by  the  Loco  Foco  party  in  Mississippi,  Illinois,  and 
other  Western  States. 

5.  Their  efforts  to  array  the  poor  against  the  rich. 

In  this  country  all  the  large  fortunes  have  been  accumulated  by  in 
dustry  and  integrity.  Wm.  Gray,  of  Salem,  John  Jacob  Astor,  of  N. 
York,  Girard,  Ridgway  and  Pepper,  of  Philadelphia,  Coleman,  of  Lan 
caster,  and  Heister,  of  Reading,  prove  it.  No  overgrown  fortune  ha-s 
ever  descended  three  generations — they  are  constantly  revolving.  The 
highest  honours  and  competency  of  fortune  are  attained  by  industry, 
economy  and  health.  In  a  word,  Economy  is  Wealth.  Turn  to  Jack 
son,  Van  Buren,  and  "  the  Mill  Boy  of  the  Slashes,"  and  the  most 


3 


striking  proofs  are  exhibited:  and  yet  the  Loco  Foco  party  tell  the 
people,  the  rich  are  prone  to  and  are  daily  oppressing  the  poor.  The 
truth  is,  sympathy  with  the  poor,  not  deference  to  the  rich,  is  one  of 
the  characteristics  of  the  American  people. 

6.  The  recent  flagitious  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  acting  President 
to  declare  war  against  Mexico,  sanctioned  by  the  great  mass  of  the 
Loco  Foco  party  throughout  the  Union.  I  repeat,  what  principle,  what 
measure,  what  system  did  the  self-styled  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania 
maintain  in  1832,  that  they  now  support?  I  answer,  none.  They  have 
the  name  without  the  substance.  Our  opponents  are  a  party  without 
principles.  There  is  not  one  specific  tangible  principle  by  which  they 
are  distinguished.  In  New  York  it  is  Polk,  without  Texas,  and  in 
the  interior  of  Pennsylvania  it  is  Polk  with  the  Tariff  of  1842.  In 
1840  their  watch  words  were  Van  Buren,  Johnson  and  Democracy, 
now  it  is  Polk,  Dallas  and  Texas.  They  discarded  Van  Buren  be 
cause  he  was  opposed  to  Texas,  they  then  nominated  Silas  Wright  as 
Vice  President,  who  was  also  opposed  to  Texas,  and  subsequently 
nominated  Mr.  Dallas  in  his  place,  because  he  wrote  the  first  letter  in 
favour  of  Texas. 

Our  opponents,  some  years  ago,  to  designate  their  hostility  to  Banks, 
assumed  the  name  of  Loco  Foco  ;  and  yet  between  the  years  1830  and 
1837,  the  Banking  capital  of  the  U.  States  was  increased  from  110 
to  378  millions,  of  which  268  millions  of  increased  Banking  capital, 
231  millions  were  created  by  the  Loco  Foco  party. 


No  subject  more  beautifully  illustrates  the  philosophy  of  our  Goverp- 
ment  than  the  practical  operation  of  the  Tariff,  or  protection  of  Domes 
tic  Industry.  It  enables  the  rich  man  to  use  his  surplus  capital  to  his 
own  advantage,  to  give  employment  to  the  poor,  and  protect  home  labour. 
All  Nations  in  Europe  have  a  Tariff:  every  distinguished  political 
economist  on  the  Continent  supports  it.  Great  Britain,  Spain,  Portu 
gal,  the  German  States,  Austria,  Belgium,  and  even  Holland,  have 
established  it.  The  Italian  States,  more  feeble  than  the  rest,  are  now- 
forming  one.  France  and  Russia,  more  powerful  than  the  others,  have 
a  prohibitory  tariff  on  all  the  staple  articles  of  the  country.  It  may  be 
asked,  shall  the  Monarchs  of  Europe,  claiming  to  be  Autocrats  by 
divine  right,  show  more  kindness  and  regard  for  the  interest  and  pros 
perity  of  their  subjects,  than  the  Government  of  the  United  States  for 
the  people  from  whom  they  derive  their  power? 

Labour  in  Europe  ranges  from  10  cents  to  25  cents  per  day;  20 
cents  is  the  average.  In  the  United  States  it  averages  from  75  cents 
to  $1  50  per  day, — at  Lowell  it  is  $4  per  week,  or  75  cents  per  day. 
The  reason  is  obvious — in  Europe  the  labourer  is  degraded,  lives  on 
vegetables,  eats  no  meat,  and  subsists  on  almost  nothing.  In  the 
United  States  the  labourer  is  a  freeman,  lives  on  good  substance,  and 
being  an  honest  man,  neither  fears  nor  envies  the  richest  patroon  about 
him.  American  labour  cannot  compete  with  foreign  pauper  labour  with- 


out  protection,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Loco  Foco  party  would  reduce 
our  whole  labouring  populace  to  the  degraded  vassallage  in  which  they 
live  in  Europe. 

But,  it  is  said  the  friends  of  Messrs.  Polk,  and  Dallas  are  in 
favour  of  the  Tariff,  and  Mr.  Clay  is  not;  or  that  he  holds  two  lan 
guages,  one  for  the  South,  and  one  for  the  North.  A  more  unfounded 
charge  never  was  made. 

The  practical  question  before  the  people  is,  the  continuance  or  repeal 
of  the  Tariff  of  1842.  The  Compromise  Act  of  1833  has  been  modi- 
tied  by  the  Act  of  1842,  and  can  be  referred  to  only  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining  our  present  position.  Let  us  contrast  the  sentiments  of  Mr. 
Clay  and  Mr.  Polk.  I  aflix  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Polk. 

Winchester,  M^y  29,  1843. 
To  the  People  of  Tennessee. 

I  had  steadily  during  the  period  I  was 
a  Representatice  in  Congress,  been  op 
posed  to  a  Protective  policy,  as  my  re 
corded  rotes  and  published  speeches 
prove.  Since  I  retired  from  Congress  I 
had  held  the  same  opinion.  In  the  pre 
sent  canvass  for  Governor  I  HAD  AVOWED 
MY  OPPOSITION  ro  TUB  TARIFF 
ACT  OF  THE  LATE  WHIG  CON 
GRESS,  as  being  highly  protective  in  its 
character,  and  not  designed  by  its  authors 
as  a  revenue  measure.  I  had  avowed  my 
opinion  in  my  public  speeches  that  the 
interests  of  the  country — and  especially 
of  the  producing  and  exporting  States — 
REQ.UIRED  ITS  REPEAL,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  principled  of  the  com 
promise  Tariff  act  of  1833. 

JAMES  K.  POLK. 

In  a  public  speech  made  on  the  3rd  of  April,  1843,  Mr.  Polk  says, 

"  Distribution  and  a  protective  tariff  are  measures  which  I  consider  ruinous  to  the 
interests  of  the  country,  and  especially  to  the  interests  of  the  planting  States — I  have 
steadily  and  at  all  times  opposed  both?' 

"  The  Wool-Growers  consider  the  duty  upon  foreign  Wool  as  important  to  their 
prosperity.  This  opinion  is  founded  in  error!" 

"  My  opinion  is  that  WOOL  should  be  duty  free  !" 

In  1833,  Mr.  POLK  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  which  committee  proposed  to  impose  a  duty  of  twenty  per  ct. 
on  tea  and  coffee,  at  the  time  they  were  duty  free.  A  proposition  was 
made  to  strike  them  out  from  the  reported  bill,  so  as  to  leave  them  duty 
free,  Mr.  Polk  voted  against  the  proposition,  and  in  favor  of  taxing 
tea  and  coffee ! 

This  was  at  a  time  when  they  were  reducing  the  tariff,  and  a  more 
vital  blow  at  "  incidental  protection,"  could  not  have  been  given. 

The  organ  of  Mr.  Polk — the  Nashville  Union,  says, 

"We  wish  it  borne  in  mind,  that  the  oppressive  Tariff  of  1812,  has  been  con 
demned  by  every  true  democrat,  and  by  none  more  decidedly  than  Mr.  Van  Buren. 
That  its  provisions  are  viewed  with  abhorrence  by  Governor  Polk  aad  ali  his  friends 
we  need  not  repeat." 


Ashland,  29th  June,  1814. 
My  opinions,  such  as  they  are,  have 
been  quite  as  freely  expressed  at  the 
South,  as  1  ever  uttered  them  at  the 
North.  /  have  every  where  maintained 
that  in  adjusting  a  Tariff  for  revenue, 
discriminations  ought  to  be  made  for 
Protection;  THAT  THK  TARIFF  OF  1842 

HAS  OPERATED  MOST  BENEFICIALLY,  and 
that  1  AM  UTTERLY  OPPOSED  TO  ITS  RE 
PEAL.  These  opinions  were  announced 
by  me  at  public  meetings  in  Alabama, 
Georgia,  Charleston  in  South  Carolina, 
North  Carolina,  and  in  Virginia. 
Your  friend  and  ob't  servant, 

H.  CLAY. 
Mr.  Fred.  J.  Cope. 


Mr.  Polk  in  his  letter  to  John  K.  Kane,  Esq.,  admits  these  facts  ; 
he  confines  the  enumeration  of  the  Tariff  laws  to  those  upon  which  he 
voted,  not  being  in  1842  a  member  of  Congress,  he  omits  the  only  im 
portant  law,  that  of  1842:  he  says  he  supported  Mr.  Verplank's  bill. 
This  is  the  bill  which  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  unanimously 
denounced,  and  which  Mr.  Muhlenberg  then  in  Congress,  opposed. 

Hear  his  friends  in  South  Carolina.  A.t  a  public  dinner  given  to  Mr. 
Pickens,  the  Congressional  leader  of  Mr.  Folk's  friends  in  Congress, 
the  following  toasts  were  drank  : 

"  By  Col.  F.  A.Calhoun — The  combination  between  Abolitionists,  Manufacturers, 
Politicians,  arid  Foreign  Dictators:  An  unholy  alliance  of  fanaticism,  rapacity,  cor 
rupt  ambition,  and  venal  arrogance.  The  people  of  the  nation  will  break  it  asunder 
and  chastise  its  presumption." 

"James  K.  Polk  and  Geo.  M.  Dallas — Identified  as  they  are  with  the  great  public 
questions  at  issue,  South  Carolina  will  give  them  her  cordial  and  united  support." 

Mr.  llenly,  of  Indiana,  in  Congress,  esteemed  the  most  able  speaker 
on  the  loco  foco  side,  in  that  Stale,  speaking  of  Mr.  M'Kay's  bill  of  last 
session,  says, 

"  We  very  well  knew  that  it  was  of  no  use  to  pass  it  in  the  House  now,  as  we 
have  not  the  majority  in  the  Senate.  Give  us  a  majority  there,  and  then  see  if  we 
do  not  pass  the  bill !  We  will  do  it!  For  such  is  our  purpose — such  is  our  resolute 
determination." 

Mr.  Polk,  in  accepting  the  Baltimore  Nomination,  adopts  the  reso 
lution  of  the  Baltimore  Convention.  The  4th  resolution  is  the  text  of 
nullification,  or  anti-tariff  doctrine. 

"  Resolved,  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal  government  to  foster 
one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to  cherish  the  interests  of  one 
portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of  our  common  country;  that  every  citizen 
and  every  section  of  the  country  has  aright  to  demand  and  insist  upon  an  equality 
of  rights  and  privileges,  and  to  complete  and  ample  protection  of  persons  and  property 
from  domestic  violence  or  foreign  aggression." 

But  Mr.  Polk  supported  Mr.  Clay's  compromise  bill,  and  therefore, 
it  is  alleged,  there  is  no  difference  between  them.  They  represented 
adverse  interests;  Mr.  Clay  the  American  System — Mr.  Polk  Free 
trade.  The  state  of  the  country  in  reference  to  South  Carolina,  de 
manded  an  adjustment,  and  a  compromise  was  effected.  Does  that 
place  them  on  the  same  footing  ?  Mr.  Clay  and  General  Jackson  might 
as  well  be  identified,  because  the  one  introduced  and  the  other  finally 
sanctioned  the  compromise  bill. 

But  let  us  have  the  opinions  of  the  parties  on  this  subject. 

In  a  circular  addressed  by  Mr.  Polk,  to  the  citizens  of  Tennessee, 
dated  3rd  of  April,  1839,  speaking  of  the  Compromise  Act,  he  says, 

"  In  repeated  instances  he  (Gen.  Jackson)  recommended  modifications  and  reduc 
tions  of  the  tariff,  with  a  view  to  the  final  abandonment  of  the  odious  and  unjust 
system.  So  effectual  were  these  recommendations,  and  so  rapid  the  change  of  public 
opinion,  that  the  friends  of  the  tariff,  and  even  Mr.  Clay,  its  imputed  father,  seized 
on  a  favorable  moment  TO  SAVE  THE  WHOLE  FROM  DESTRUCTION  BY  A  TIMELY  COM 
PROMISE.  It  was  the  defence  of  Mr.  Clay  with  his  friends  at  the  north,  that  by 
yielding  a  part,  HE  PREVENTED  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  WHOLE,  and  in  their  con 
tinued  and  devoted  support  of  him,  the  northern  capitalists  have  shown  that  they  are 
grateful  for  the  fortunate  rescue." 

In  reference  to  this  Act,  on  the  3rd  of  January,  1840,  immediately 
after  Gen.  Harrison's  nomination  at  Harrisburg,  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Clay  says, 

"  I  saw  that  this  great  interest  had  so  got  in  the  power  of  the  Chief  Magistrate, 
that  it  was  evident  that,  at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  THE  WHOLE  PROTECTIVE 


6 

SYSTEM  WOULD  BE  SWEPT  BY  THS  BOARD.  I  therefore  desired  to  give  it  at  least,  a 
lease  of  years;  and  for  that  purpose,  I,  in  concert  with  others,  brought  forward  that 
measure,  which  was  NECESSARY  TO  SAVE  THAT  INTEREST  FROM  TOTAL  ANNIHILA 
TION." 

At  Wilmington,  Del.,  on  the  15th  of  June,  1844,  John  M.  Clayton 
said, 

"  His  judgment  on  the  subject  confirmed  my  own  opinions  ;  and  I  owed  while  he 
lived  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  his  assistance  on  that  occasion,  which,  although  1  never 
had  it  in  power  to  repay,  yet  have  I  never  failed,  either  before  or  since  his  lamented 
death,  to  acknowledge.  Thus  assured,  my  feeble  aid  was  freely  given  to  that  great 
measure;  which,  while  it  SAVKD  THE  MANUFACTURING  INTEREST  FROM  SUDDEN  AND 
UTTER  DESTRUCTION,  soothed  and  conciliated  the  angry  passions  of  men,  then  ready  to 
rush  upon  revolution  and  bloodshed  ;  and  gave  ample  time  to  the  friends  of  the  protec 
tive  policy  to  rally  in  its  support,  before  the  dearest  interests  of  the  country  could  be 
fatally  affected.  Any  attempt  to  withstand  and  repel  the  flood  then  rushing  upon  us, 
would  have  been  fruitless.  IT  WAS  CLEAR  THAT  WE  SHOULD  BE  SWEPT  AWAY  BY  THE 
TORRENT.  We  preferred  to  divide,  to  divert,  and  to  retard  it.  And  I  then  thought  and 
still  think,  that  the  mighty  effort  of  Mr.  Clay,  on  that  occasion;  TO  SAVE  HIS  FAVOR 
ITE  MEASURE  FROM  THE  DANGER  WHICH  THREATEKTED  IT  FROM  EVERY  QUARTER. 

as  the  most  triumphant  act  of  his  life." 

This  coincidence  of  attestation  to  the  merit  of  Mr.  Clay,  on  the 
Compromise  Act,  is  conclusive. 

The  most  conclusive  proof  of  the  hostility  of  Mr.  Polk  and  his  friends 
to  the  Tariff  policy,  is  their  support  of  the  foreign  valuation,  or  ad 
valorem  duties,  in  preference  to  the  Home  valuation,  or  specific  duties. 
The  former  makes  the  invoice  of  the  foreign  shipper  the  means  of 
assessing  the  duties,  the  latter  makes  the  value  here  the  criterion,  or 
levies  here  the  specific  duty.  The  former  gives  the  foreign  importer 
every  opportunity  to  cheat  and  defraud,  and  our  Federal  Courts  in  Boston, 
New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  have  for  the  last  4  years  been 
constantly  employed  in  detecting  their  frauds.  The  revenue  has  been 
cheated  out  ot  millions — the  amount  cannot  be  ascertained — it  is  still 
carried  on  to  a  great  extent, — but  it  decreases  the  duty,  and  operates 
adversely  on  the  Tariff,  and  therefore  Mr.  Polk  and  his  friends  have 
supported  the  ad  valorum  with  the  foreign  cost,  as  the  proper  mode  of 
levying  the  duty. 

Mr.  Clay,  in* the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  22d  of  Febru 
ary,  1833,  proposed  the  *'  Home  valuation,"  which  was  carried,  Yeas 
26,  Nays  16.  (1) 

On  the  1st  of  March,  1842,  he  again  enforced  a  "  Home  valuation" 
with  all  his  strength.  (2^ 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Polk  and  his  friends  have  always  opposed 
this  wise  and  salutary  measure,  not  because  they  would  connive  at  the 
frauds  and  perjury  which  it  would  prevent,  but  because  it  favours  Inci 
dental  Protection.  (3) 

One  of  the  prominent  features  in  Mr.  McKay's  bill  is  the  substitu 
tion  of  the  old  ad  valorem  duty  in  the  place  of  specific  duties  on  a 
number  of  the  most  important  articles.  (4) 

Another  proof  of  hostility  to  the  Tariff,  furnished  by  Mr.   Polk, 

(1)  44  Niles'  Reg.,  p.  5. 

(2)  Clay's  Life,  2  vol.  p.  549-559. 

(3)  Congressional  Deb.,  vol.  6,  p.  979-87. 

(4)  McKay's  Rep..  No.  36G,  p.  11. 


is  his  opposition  to  the  pensions  paid  to  Revolutionary  Soldiers.  It 
would  be  unjust  to  Mr.  Polk  to  refer  this  to  any  other  cause  than  a  de 
termination  to  prevent  the  imposition  of  revenue,  which  might  be  used 
for  incidental  protection. 

His  refusal  to  assist  the  poor  of  Alexandria,  at  a  time  of  great  dis 
tress,  with  a  few  cords  of  wood,  is  based  upon  the  same  principle. 

The  benefits  of  the  Tariff  are  universally  felt,  it  works  well,  it  gives 
South  Carolina  a  market  for  her  cotton  and  the  Agricultural  States,  a 
market  for  their  flour.  In  a  recent  Congressional  Document,  No.  177, 
p.  41  :  It  is  stated,  that  in  1842,  the  State  of  Massachusetts  consumed 
more  flour,  than  was  exported  from  the  United  States  to  all  foreio-n  coun 
tries.  Mr.  Webster,  in  his  speech  delivered  at  Albany,  on  the°26th  of 
August,  1844,  enumerated  a  few  STAPLE  ARTICLES,  of  raw  material, 
amounting  annually  to  FORTY  MILLIONS  OF  DOLLARS,  raised  in  other 
States  and  used  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts  ;  and,  among  other 
articles,  SEVEN  MILLIONS  OF  COTTON  from  the  Southern  States.0 

In   1842,    Mr.    Tyler   sent   two   distinguished   financiers,   Messrs 
Maralester  and  Robinson,  to  Europe,  to  bprrow  money  on  the  faith  of 
the  United  Stages,  and  they  could  not  obtain  one  dollar ;  now  our  U.  S. 
five  per  cent.  Stocks  are  from  ten   to  fifteen  per  cent,  above  par, 'and 
we  have  an  over-flowing  Treasury. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  PROCEEDS  OF 
THE   PUBLIC  LANDS. 

Next  to  the  Tariff,  this  is  the  most  important  subject,  now  at  issue. 
The  public  lands  were  purchased  by  the  States  who  achieved  the  Inde 
pendence. 

The  State  of  Virginia,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1784,  ceded  them  as 

"  A  common  fund,  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  such  of  the   United  States  as  have 

become   or  shall  become  members  of  the  confederation,  or  federal  alliance  of  the  said 

tes    Virginia  inclusive,   according  to  their  annual  respective  proportions  in   the 

general  charge  and  expenditure,  and  shall  be  faithfully  and  bona  fide  disposed  of  tor 

mat  purpose,  and  lor  no  other  use  or  purpose  whatever." 

Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  South  and  North  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
ceded  their  public  lands  on  the  same  terms.  (5) 

In  1833,  Mr.  Clay's  bill  to  distribute  the  proceeds  passed  with  little 
or  no  opposition,  the  opposition  being  rather  to  the  details  than  the 
principles  of  the  bill.  It  passed  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Yeas 
96,  Nays  46;  and  finally  in  the  Senate,  Yeas  23,  Nays  5.  (6)  It  re 
ceived  the  unanimous  support  (with  but  one  dissentient,)  of  the  whole 
Pennsylvania  Delegation,  among  others,  the  vote  of  Mr.  Dallas  and  the 
late  Mr.  Muhlenburg.  Although  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  was  then 
under  no  pressure,  this  measure  received  the  sanction,  and  was  the  set 
tled  policy  of  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania.  Since,  however,  war 

(5)  45  Niles'  Reg,  p.  27G. 

(6)  44  Niles'  Reg.,  p.  25,  49,  50. 


8 

has  been  made  upon  the  Tariff,  an  entire  change  has  been  produced. 
If  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  are  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  U. 
States,  the  wants  of  the  Government  are  supplied,  and  the  means  of 
protection  by  revenue  are  diminished  or  destroyed  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  receipts  from  this  source.  Accordingly,  the  Baltimore  Loco 
Poco  Convention, 

"  JResolved,  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  he  sacredly  applied  to 
the  National  objects  specified  in  the  Constitution ;  and  that  we  are  opposed  to  the 
law  lately  adopted,  and  to  any  law  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among  the 
States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy,  and  repugnant  to  the  Constitution." 

Mr.  Polk  approved  of,  and  the  self-styled  Democracy  of  Pennsylva 
nia  responded  to  this  doctrine,  now  proclaimed,  because  //  is  the  death 
blow  to  lk  INCIDENTAL  PROTECTION"  of  domestic  industry. 

These  lands  are  the  property  of  the  different  States  in  their  sovereign 
capacity,  ceded  to  them  before  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
We  are  overwhelmed  with  debt,  our  public  faith  has  been  forfeited,  we 
are  degraded  before  the  world  as  defaulters,  our  taxes  are  enormous  and 
oppressive,  relief  is  at  hand,  and  we  are  denied  it,  because  it  would 
protect  the  Tariff  and  domestic  industry.  Let  every  Pennsylvania!! 
pause  and  reflect,  before  they  give  their  vote  to.  Mr.  Polk. 

On  this  question  Mr.  Polk  has,  volunteered  to  array  himself  against 
the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania.  (See  Appendix  D.) 


Mr*  Clay,  in  his  speech  at  Raleigh,  defines  his  position.  He, is 
friendly  to  a  National  Bank,  but  does  *'  not  desire  any  Bank  of  the  U. 
States  attempted  or  established  until  it  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the 
opinion  of  the  people."  Is  this  any  offence  ? 

The  Democracy  of  the  Union  supported  a  National  Bank  during  the 
war  of  1812,  and  established  it  after  the  peace,  in  1816. 

Gen.  Jackson,  as  Governor  of  Florida,  in  a  letter  to  Langdon  Cheves, 
then  President  of  the  United  States  Bank,  dated  at  Pensacola,  August 

15,  1821,  recommended  to  the  Bank  to  extend  its  branches  to  the  Terri 
tories,  as  convenient  "  to  the  inhabitants,"  and  u  beneficial  to  the  institu 
tion.  In  1832,  in  returning  his  Veto,  he  declares  himself  a  friend  to  such 
an  Institution,  and  says,  if  applied  to  he  would  have  given  the  plan.  (7) 

In  a  memorial  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  dated  at  Albany, 
the  17th  July,  1826,  Mr.  Van  Buren  recommends  a  Branch  at  that 
City,  and  says,  its  notes  would  constitute  "  the  circulating  medium," 
between  the  Eastern  and  Western  States.  (8) 

In  1831  and  1832  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania  instructed  their 
Senators  and  Representatives  to  support  the  renewal  of  the  charier. 
These  resolutions  were  introduced  by  the  Hon.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll, 
the  present  loco  foco  member  of  Congress  from  the  3rd  District  in 
Pennsylvania.  (9) 

Can  that  be  an  offence  in  1844  which  was  so  patriotic  in  1814-15- 

16,  and  1831-32  ? 

(7)     Contr.  Doc.,  23d  Congress,  2d  Session,  No.  17,  p.  249,  250. 
(«)  Id.  id.  p.  251, 252. 

(9)    Jour.  House  of  Rep.  Pa.,  1830-31,  p.  415. 


9 

But  Mr.  Clay  has  changed.  In  1811  he  believed  a  Bank  unconsti 
tutional,  and  has  since  supported  it.  In  this  there  is  no  change  of 
principle.  In  1811  Mr.  Clay  believed  the  Government  could  conduct 
its  fiscal  operations  without  a  Bank.  In  his  opinion  it  was  not  neces 
sary,  and  therefore  unconstitutional.  The  war  of  1812  developed 
the  practical  operation  of  our  Government,  and  showed  that  such  an 
Institution  was  necessary  in  any  public  crisis.  There  is  no  more  dis 
crepancy  in  this  change,  than  in  voting  against  a  standing  army  in 
time  of  peace,  and  voting  for  it  in  time  of  war. 

In  this  change  he  is  sustained  by  Monroe,  Crawford,  Eppes,  (the 
son-in-law  of  Mr.  Jefferson,)  Gallatin,  Lowndes,  Forsyth,  Simon  Sny- 
der,  Ingham,  Lacock,  Roberts,  a  host  of  patriots,  and  by  the  Democracy 
of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Union.  He  was  sustained  by  the  late  A.  J.  Dal 
las,  one  of  the  soundest  constitutional  lawyers  of  the  country,  a  states 
man  of  the  highest  order,  in  purity  of  purpose  and  energy  of  action 
never  excelled,  for  thirty  years  the  intellectual  Hercules  of  Democracy 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  a  man  who  rendered  services  to  his  country,  dur 
ing  the  last  war,  scarcely  inferior  to  any  individual  in  the  Nation.  (*SVe 
Appendix  B  &  C.) 

Mr.  Clay  was  also  upheld  by  the  authority  of  the  author  and  ex 
pounder  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  virtuous  and  upright  Madison. 

All  these  distinguished  patriots  changed,  like  Mr.  Clay,  on  the  subject 
of  a  National  Bank. 

A  National  Bank  has  been  40  years  in  existence,  and  it  is  alleged, 
that,  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Biddle,  abuses  have  been  com 
mitted.  Granted;  though  it  was  when  the  Bank  was  a  State  Institution. 
Does  the  abuse  of  one  man  or  administration,  among  so  many  Presi 
dents  and  different  administrations,  prove  any  thing  against  the  use  of 
the  power  ? 

It  is,  however,  an  open  question,  to  be  decided  by  the  Representa 
tives  of  the  people.  On  this  subject  it  is  conceded,  that  a  difference  of 
opinion  exists  among  the  Whigs,  and  many  of  them  are  opposed  to  the 
Establishment  of  a  National  Bank,  at  this  time,  as  inexpedient,  among 
whom  may  be  classed  the  author  of  these  remarks. 


To  present  a  new  issue  in  the  hope  that  any  change  might  be  for  the 
better,  this  question  has  been  presented.  1  pass  over  the  extension  of 
slavery,  the  folly  of  increasing  our  territory  when  we  do  not  know  what 
to  do  with  that  which  we  already  possess,  the  assumption  of  the  debt  of 
Texas,  the  fact  that  there  is  not  an  acre  of  good  land  left,  and  state  but  a 
single  feature.  Col.  Benton  has  shewn,  with  the  Map  in  his  hand,  that 
the  Texas  treaty  proposes  to  seize  and  take  by  force,  Mexican  territory 
2000  miles  in  length,  and  some  100  miles  in  breadth,  including  villages, 
towns,  and  capital  cities,  now  under  the  protection  of  Mexico,  as  indis 
putably  as  Philadelphia,  Lancaster  and  Pittsburg  are  under  the  govern 
ment  of  Pennsylvania.  The  excuse  is  more  humiliating  than  the  act — 
that  Mexico  is  feeble,  and  cannot  resist.  SIXTY-EIGHT  years  have  rolled 


•  10 

by  since  the  4th  July,  1776,  and  the  United  States  have  never  taken 
one  dollar  from  any  foreign  citizen  or  subject,  or  one  acre  of  ground 
from  any  foreign  nation,  without  their  consent  and  a  full  equivalent. 
It  is  a  proud  illustration  of  the  superiority  of  a  Republic,  over  every 
other  form  of  government,  to  which  the  patriot,  the  philosopher  and 
the  philanthropist,  may  point  with  delight  and  admiration.  Shall  we 
now  turn  and  become  a  nation  of  robbers  and  freebooters  upon  the 
oldest  sister  Republic  of  the  continent,  a  nation  on  terms  of  peace  and 
amity,  and  now  in  the  progress  of  paying  us  for  the  unauthorized  ag 
gressions  of  her  cruisers  ?  It  was  a  sublime  spectacle  to  see  the  two 
distinguished  chiefs  of  their  respective  parties,  distant  from  each  other, 
without  concert,  simultaneously  enter  their  solemn  protest  against  this 
most  unholy  and  wicked  attempt ;  but  it  was  a  humiliating  exhibition 
to  see  one  of  these  chiefs  abandoned  by  his  party,  because  by  the 
honest  declaration  of  his  sentiments,  he  was  supposed  to  have  been 
rendered  unavailable.  The  result  has  proved  the  fallacy  of  this  suppo 
sition,  and  at  this  moment,  Mr.  Polk  has  no  mill-stone  around  his 
neck,  like  the  annexation  of  Texas.  For  whom  is  this  sacrifice  to  be 
made  ?  For  a  people  who,  we  are  told,  are  willing  to  become  a  market 
for  the  sale  and  purchase  of  slaves  from  the  South,  or  go  into  colonial 
vassallage,  with  the  abolition  of  slavery,  as  a  dependency  of  Great 
Britain,  just  as  the  United  States  shall  determine  to  receive  or  reject 
them  as  an  integral  part  of  our  Union. 

MERITS  OF  MR.   POLK  AND   MR.   CLAY. 

MR.  1JOLK. 

Mr.  Polk  it  is  said,  has  been  in  public  life  for  25  years.  What  pub 
lic  benefit  has  he  ever  rendered  the  people  ?  He  supported  the  Sub- 
Treasury,  and  the  Executive  Veto.  He  was,  his  biographers  say,  born 
on  the  2nd  November,  1795,  and  was  therefore,  at  the  time  of  the 
Battle  of  New  Orleans,  in  his  20th  year,  and  beyond  the  age  of  18 
years,  when,  by  the  law  of  Tennessee,  in  time  of  actual  war  he  was 
liable  to -Militia  duty.  Where  was  he  at  that  time?  Like  thousands 
of  Pennsylvanians  of  his  age,  in  the  tented  field?  No.  Senator  Foster 
tells  us  he  left  him  in  the  office  of  Felix  Grundy,  studying  law,  when 
he  (Mr.  Foster,)  marched  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Jackson.  His 
friends,  aware  of  his  nakedness  of  all  pretension,  have  put  him  forth 
as  "  the  Young  Hickory,"  a  more  bitter  and  significant  sarcasm  upon 
Mr.  Polk,  than  any  that  could  have  been  pronounced  by  his  opponents. 

MR.  CLAY. 

Honor,  patriotism,  and  a  successful  career  of  public  life,  present  Mr. 
Clay.  His  life  is  the  title  page  of  the  glory  of  his  Country.  From 
the  time  that  he  first  entered  the  Hall  of  Congress,  he  has  been  the 
friend  of  the  cause  of  liberty,  throughout  the  world. 

In  the  month  of  December,  1811,  he  took  his  seat,  and  was  elected 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States.  We 
were  then  esteemed  by  the  world  a  degraded  people.  Not  a  native 
citizen  could  leave  his  country,  without  the  danger  of  impressment, 
nor  a  ship  traverse  the  ocean,  without  seizure  and  confiscation  by 


11 

Great  Britain.  In  December,  1811,  Henry  Clay,  coming  from  the 
western  frontier  state,  proclaimed  that  he  would  never  rest  until  we  had 
maintained  our  rights,  by  an  open  declaration  of  war.  It  was  declared, 
and  Pennsylvania  applauded  the  deed.  The  only  two  members  of  the 
delegation  who  voted  against  it,  she  promptly  dismissed.  She  lent 
more  money  to  the  government,  sent  more  recruits  to  the  army,  and 
poured  forth  more  volunteers  than  any  state  in  the  Union  ;  while  she 
proudly  boasted,  that  her  soil  was  never  tarnished  by  the  foot  of  an 
enemy,  but  as  a  prisoner  of  War.  It  was  at  this  lime,  the  hour  of  dan 
ger,  that  the  patriots  and  statesmen  of  Pennsylvania  stood  by  Henry 
Clay,  in  the  counsels  of  the  nation  ;  and  that  Markle  marched  to  the 
frontier  to  protect  our  citizens  from  the  scalping  knife  and  the  tomahawk. 
In  the  darkest  hour  of  gloom  and  despair,  Mr.  Clay  was  seen  rising 
above  universal  despondency,  and  exhorting  his  countrymen  to  march 
to  victory  or  death.  (See  Appendix  A.) 

Mr.  Madison  would  have  appointed  him,  though  a  civilian,  com 
mander  in  chief  of  the  Army,  but  he  could  not  be  spared  from  the 
councils  of  the  nation — he  was  then  sent  abroad  where  he  became  the 
bold  and  intrepid  negotiator  of  the  rights  of  his  country.  On  his  re 
turn,  he  was  again  elected,  by  the  Democracy  of  the  Country,  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  continued  in  that  station,  until 
he  was  transferred  to  the  Senate.  Twice  in  that  body  he  has  been 
designated,  not  by  his  own  party  alone,  but  the  consent  of  the  whole 
Nation,  the  pacificator  of  the  discordant,  factions,  which  threatened  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union  ;  and  it  now  owes  its  existence  to  the  wisdom, 
energy  and  patriotism  of  Henry  Clav,  during  the  agitation  of  the  Mis 
souri  question  and  South  Carolina  Nullification. 

He  has  for  thirty  years,  been  the  untiring  friend  of  the  interests  of 
Pennsylvania,  although  he  has  habitually  received  from  a  majority  of 
her  people,  nothing  but  the  most  unmerited  rebuke  and  reproach. 

He  has  always  been  generous  to  a  political  adversary  or  a  rival,  and, 
at  this  day,  he  cannot  be  provoked  into  an  attack  upon  the  patriotism  of 
Gen.  Jackson. 

Mr  Jefferson  in  a  letter  dated,  the  25th  May,  1823,  says, 

"  As  for  Mr.  Clay,  I  consider  him  to  be  one  of  the  most  talented  and  brilliant  men 
and  statesmen,  that  the  country  ever  produced,  and  should  1  live  many  years  longer, 

1  HOPE  TO  SEE  HIM  HOLD  THE  PLACE  OF  CHIEF  EXECUTIVE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  RE 
PUBLIC."  •; — r— 

At  a  later  period,  in  the  contest  of  1832,  Mr.  Clay  had  the  confi 
dence  and  good  wishes  of  Madison  and  Monroe,  in  preference  even  to 
the  claims  of  the  Hero  of  New  Orleans.  It  is  admitted  that  Mr.  Clay 
up  to  the  year  1825,  when,  like  Mr.  Van  Buren,  he  opposed  Gen. 
Jackson,  was  second  only  to  Jackson,  in  the  affection  of  the  Demo 
cracy  of  Pennsylvania.  His  motives  for  this  act  have  been  most 
grossly  abused.  The  venerable  sage  of  Quincy,  has  placed  the  stamp 
of  falsehood  upon  the  exploded  slander  of  Bargain  and  Sale,  and  if 
there  had  been  any  understanding,  Mr.  Adams  must  have  been  a  party 
to,  and  cognizant  of  it. 

I  ask  what  act  of  Mr.  Clay  since  1825,  can  be  pointed  at  that  is  in 
consistent  with  a  patriot  and  a  statesman,  and  his  former  life  and  cha 
racter  ?  None. 


12 

I  shall  not  vindicate  the  character  of  Mr.  Clay,  against  the  charges 
of  being  a  duellist  and  a  card-player.  These  slanders  were  circulated 
during1  the  last  war  by  the  hireling  press  at  home,  who  opposed  the 
Administration,  and  its  mercenary  allies  abroad.  The  British  press  of 
that  day  exhausted  all  the  epithets  of  Duellist,  Murderer,  Gambler,  now 
used  by  Amos  Kendall  and  his  coadjutors,  and  then  gravely  added,  he 

"  Was  the  imui  that  killed  Tecumseh,  and  thath&  cut  several  razor  straps  out  of 
his  back  after  he  was  dead!"  (10.) 

Such  calumnies  were  then  treated,  by  the  Democracy  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  with  the  scorn  and  contempt  which  they  merited. 

The  parting  scene  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates  on  the  31st  of 
March,  1842,  should  silence  these  slanderers.  When  Mr.  Clay  an 
nounced  his  retirement,  that  body,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Preston,  unani 
mously  adjourned  without  entering  on  any  business,  as  a  tribute  of  rer 
spect  to  this  great  and  distinguished  man,  an  honour  it  is  believed,  neve- 
at  any  time,  paid  to*any  other  individual  in  this  Republic.  (See  Ap 
pendix  E.) 


A  parting  word  as  to  this  honest  man  and  brave  soldier.  His  country 
was  in  danger,  and  he  risked  his  life  and  pledged  his  patrimony  to  sustain 
her  cause.  He  has,  since,  lived  a  quiet  and  unobtrusive  life,  and  after 
30  years,  has  been,  without  his  interference,  called  into  requisition  by 
his  fellow-citizens.  In  1816  the  Nation  preferred  Mr.  Monroe  as  Pre 
sident  to  W.  H.  Crawford,  one  of  the  noblest  of  creation,  because  Mr. 
Monroe  had  pledged  his  private  fortune  to  purchase  the  arms  and  am 
munition  to  defend  New  Orleans.  The  conduct  of  Gen.  Markle  was 
equally  meritorious,  although  his  modest  deportment  has  kept  him  out 
of  the  public  eye.  In  private  life  he  is  without  stain  or  reproach.  But 
he  is  a  German,  and  has  not  received  the  advantages  of  a  classical  edu 
cation.  The  same  objections  were  made,  in  the  same  spirit,  to  Simon 
Snyder,  and  yet  he  made  one  of  the  most  useful  and  patriotic  Governors 
of  whom  Pennsylvania  ever  boasted. 

Will  Pennsylvania  reward  those  who  have  been  her  friends  and  bene 
factors?  is  the"  question  at  issue,  and  let  the  sound  intellect  and  the 
honest  feeling  of  the  State  decide  the  question. 


APPENDIX. 

(A) 

Extract  from  the  speech  of  Henry  Clay,  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  31st  December,  1811. 

"  He  hoped  to  God  that  ere  long  he  should  see  every  man  proudly  shoulder  a  mus 
ket  to  defend  his  liberties. 

The  honorable  gentleman  proceeded  to  present  his  views  on  this  bill,  as  it  involved 
the  important  question  of  war.  And  here  he  must  beg  leave  to  differ  with  those  gen 
tlemen  who  had  thought  it  improper  to  debate  upon  war  in  the  face  of  day.  It  was 
impossible  to  conceal  the  measures  of  preparation  tor  war. 

Sir.  we  are  told  this  government  is  not  calculated  to  stand  the  shock  of  war;  that 
gentlemen  will  lose  their  seats  in  this  and  the  other  house ;  that  your  beaches  will  be 

(10)  7  Niles'  Reg.,  p    280. 


13 

filled  by  other  men,  who  after  you  have  carried  on  the  war,  will  make  for  you  an 
ignominious  pence.  Ho  could  not  believe  that  to  retain  their  seats  was  the  extent  of 
the  amor  patrice,  of  gentlemen  in  this  House.  Could  they  let  their  brave  country 
men,  a  Daviess  and  his  associates  in  arms,  perish  in  manfully  fighting  their  battles, 
while  they  would  meanly  cling  to  their  places?  But  he  could  not  persuade  himself 
that  the  nation  would  be  ungrateful.  He  was  convinced  that  when  they  knew  that 
their  government  had  been  strictly  impartial  towards  the  belligerents — for  surely  no 
gentlemen  in  that  house  could  be  so  base  as  to  ascribe  partiality  or  other  improper 

motives  to  them  when  they  perceived  the  sincere  and  persevering  exertions  of 

their  government  to  preserve  peace;  they  would  continue  to  adhere  to  them,  even  in 
an  unsuccessful  war  to  defend  their  rights;  to  assert  their  honor,  the  dignity  and  in 
dependence  of  the  country.  But  his  ideas  of  duty  were  such,  that  when  his  rights 
were  invaded,  he  must  advance  to  their  defence,  let  what  might  be  the  consequence; 
even  if  death  itself  were  to  be  his  certain  fate."  (1) 

Extracts  from  the  speech  of  Henry  Clay,  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  8th  January,  1813. 

"  If  Virginia  really  cherished  a  reprehensible  ambition,  and  aimed  to  monopolize 
the  chief  magistracy  of  the  country,  how  was  such  a  purpose  to  he  accomplished'? 
Virginia,  alone,  cannot  elect  a  president,  whose  elevation  depends  upon  a  plurality  of 
electoral  votes,  and  a  consequent  concurrence  of  many  states.  Would  Vermont,  dis 
interested  Pennsylvania,  the  Carolinas,  independent  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Ohio,  Louisiana,  all  consent  to  become  the  tools  of  an  inordinate  ambition. 

The  administration  has  erred  in  the  steps  which  it  has  taken  to  restore  peace,  but 
its  error  has  been  not  in  doing  too  little,  but  in  betraying  too  great  a  solicitude  for  that 
event.  An  honorable  peace  is  attainable  only  by  an  efficient  war.  My  plan  would 
be  to  call  out  the  ample  resources  of  the  country,  give  them  a  judicious  direction,  pro 
secute  the  war  with  the  utmost  vigor,  strike  wherever  we  can  reach  the  enemy,. at  sea 
or  on  land,  and  negociate  the  terms  of  a  peace  at  Gluebec  or  Halifax.  We  are  told 
that  England  is  a  proud  and  lofty  nation  that  disdaining  to  wait  for  danger,  meets  it 
half  way.  Haughty  as  she  is,  we  once  triumphed  over  her,  and  if  we  do  not  listen 
to  the  councils  of  timidity  and  despair  we  shall  again  prevail.  In  such  a  cause,  with 
the  aid  of  Providence,  we  must  come  out  crowned  with  success  ;  but  if  we  fail,  let 
us  fail  like  men,  lash  ourselves  to  our  gallant  tars,  and  expire  together  in  one  common 
struggle,  fighting  for  SEAMEN'S  RIGHTS  AND  FREE  TRADE"  OF  THE 

OCEAN.  (2) 

(B.) 
Extract  from  the  Treasury  Report,  dated  Washington,  Oct.  17,  1814. 

"  But,  after  all,  1  should  not  merit  the  confidence,  which  it  will  be  my  ambition  to 
acquire,  if  1  were  to  suppress  the  declaration  of  an  opinion,  that,  in  these  times,  THE 
ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  NATIONAL,  BANK  will  not  only  be  USEFUL  in  promoting  the 
general  welfare,  but  that  it  is  NECESSARY  and  PROPER  for  carrying  into  execution 
some  of  the  most  important  powers  constitutionally  vested  in  the  government." 

A.  J.  DALLAS.  (3) 
J.  W.  EPPES,  Esa., 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 

(C) 

After  the  peace,  in  perhaps  the  most  elaborate  Report  of  our  finances 
ever  given,  Mr.  Dallas  says, 

"  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  NATIONAL  BANK  is  regarded  as  the  BEST  and  PERHAPS 
THE  ONLY  ADE&UATE  RESOURCE  to  relieve  the  country  and  the  government  from  the  pre 
sent  embarrassments.  Authorized  to  issue  notes  which  will  be  received  in  all  payments 
to  the  United  States,  the  circulation  of  its  issues  will  be  co-extensive  with  the  union  ; 
and  there  will  exist  a  constant  demand,  bearing  a  just  proportion  to  the  annual  amount 
of  the  duties  and  taxes  to  be  collected,  independent  of  the  general  circulation  for  com- 

1)  1  Niles'  Reg.  p.  333-4. 

2)  3  Niles'  Reg.  p.  372-6. 
(3)    7  Niles'  Reg.,  p.  107. 


14 

mercial  anil  social  purposes.  A  national  bank  will  therefore  possess  the  means  and 
the  opportunity  of  supplying  a  circulating  medium  of  equal  use  and  value  in  every 
state,  and  in  every  district  of  every  state.  Established  by  the  authority  of  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States;  accredited  by  the  government  to  the  whole  amount  of 
its  notes  in  circulation;  and  entrusted  as  the  depository  of  the  government  with  all 
the  accumulations  of  the  public  treasure;  the  national  bank  independent  of  its  imme 
diate  capital,  will  enjoy  every  recommendation  which  can  merit  and  secure  tin-  confi 
dence  of  the  public.  Organized  upon  principles  of  responsibility,  but  of  independence, 
the  national  bank  will  be  retained  within  its  legitimate  sphere  of  action  without  just 
apprehension  from  the  misconduct  of  its  directors  or  from  the  encroachments  of  the 
government.  Eminent  in  its  resources,  and  in  its  example,  the  national  bank  will 
conciliate,  aid.  and  lead,  the  state  banks  in  all  that  is  necessary  for  the  restoration  of 
credit,  public  and  private.  And,  acting  upon  a  compound  capital,  partlv  of  stock  and 
partly  of  gold  and  silver,  the  national  bank  will  he  the  ready  instrument  to  enhance 
the  value  of  the  public  securities  and  to  restore  the  currency  of  the  national  coin." 

A.  J.  DALLAS, 
Secretary  of  the   Treasury.  (4) 
Treasury  Department,  Gth  December,  1815. 

(D) 

Extract  from   Ex-Governor  Folk's   Answers    to   Interrogatories    pro 
pounded  to  him  and  Governor  Jones,  dated  15th  May,  1843. 

"The  Legislature  of  Pennsyirania,  in  the  month  of  January  last,  avowed  indi 
rect  terms,  that  an  increase  of  the  Tariff  was  their  object.  They  passed  a  Resolve  in 
structing  their  Senators  and  Representative*  to  advocate  and  vole  for  the  distribution, 
and  passed  a  second  Resolve  in  the  following  words,  viz: 

"  Resolved,  That  our  Senators  be  further  instructed,  and  our  Representatives  re 
quested  to  vote  for  such  modification  or  adjustment  of  the  Tariff,  as  may  increase  the 
revenue  derived  from  imports  equal  to  the  wants  of  the  National  Government,  so  that 
at  no  time  hereafter,  under  any  pretext  whatever,  shall  any  money  arising  from  the 
sales  of  the  Public  lands  be  used  by  the  General  Government." 

"  I  voted  for  the  act  of  1832— because  it  reduced  the  Tariff  of  1828  to  lower  rates. 
That  made  some  reduction,  though  not  as  much  as  1  desired  to  have  made.  I  voted 
for  the  act  of  March  2d,  1833,  (commonly  called  the  compromise  act,)  which  reduced 
the  rates  of  the  act  of  1832  to  still  lower  rates,  and  finally  brought  the  rates  of  the  act 
of  1832  down  to  a  point  at  which  no  article  was,  after  the  30th  of  June,  1842,  to  be 
subject  to  a  duty  higher  than  20  per  cent.  This  was  the  law  when  the  Whin-  Con 
gress  came  into  power.  By  THE  TARIFF  ACT  OF  THE  30th  AUGUST, 
1842,  THE  COMPROMISE  ACT  WAS  VIOLATED  AND  REPEALED. 
I  am  opposed  to  the  act  of  1842,  not  regarding  it  to  be  a  revenue  Tariff,  but  in  many 
of  its  provisions  highly  protective  and  oppressive  in  its  character.  I  am  in  favour  of 
the  restoration  of  the  compromise  act  of  1833." 

"  In  order  to  show  that  the  Tariff  passed  by  the  late  Congress  is  not  a  revenue 
measure,  in  a  late  speech  delivered  at  Jackson,  and  published,  I  used  the  following 
language: 

"  No  higher  than  20  per  cent,  was  imposed  on  any  article,  after  the  30th  of  June, 
'42,  until  the  30th  of  August,  ;42,  on  which  latter  day  the  present  Tariff  law  was 
passed  by  the  Whig  Congress.  THE  WHIG  CONGRESS  LAID  VIOLENT 
HANDS  ON  THE  COMPROMISE  OF  '33,  AND  BROKE  IT  UP." 

"  It  was  clear,  therefore,  that  the  late  Tariff  act  was  not  a  revenue  measure.  It 
had  raised  the  rates  of  duties  so  high  as  to  shut  out  imports,  and  consequently  to  cut 
off  and  diminish  revenue."  (5) 

(E) 

Mr.  Preston  rose  and  said  :  "  what  had  just  taken  place  was  an  epoch  in  their  legis 
lative  history,  and  from  the  feeling  which  was  evinced,  he  plainly  saw  that  there  was 
little  disposition  to  attend  to  business.  He  would  therefore  move  that  the  Senate  ad- 
journ;  which  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  Jo.'1'  (G) 

(4)  9  Niles'  Reg.,  p.  276. 

(5)  Pamphlet,  p.  5,  6,  21,  24,  25. 

(6)  Life  of  H.  Clay,  2d  vol.  568. 


6AYLORD  BROS.  Inc. 


Syracuse, 


N.  t. 


Stockton,  CaKl 


